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Friday, Feb 3rd 2012


Either Rocking the Cradle or the System; Women in Irish Politics

de-luas.JPG

It is a sad fact of reality that women, despite making up 51% of the population, only hold less than 13% of seats in the Dáil, leaving Ireland ranking 59th out of 120 nations examined for parliamentary representation of women in 2006. Apologists for this pitiful situation will of course either a) blame the electorate or b) refer us to the gender index published by the World Economic Forum in November 2007.

This index gives Ireland a glowing report in the “political empowerment of women” category – eighth in the whole world in fact. Largely due to the number of Ministerial positions and female presidents there have been. What apologists may not be so quick to refer to is the fact that the World Economic Forum was unimpressed with only 22 out of 166 parliamentary seats being held by women (at the time the report was compiled). Ireland was then awarded 74th place out of the 128 countries examined.
Women are perpetually under-represented in Irish politics and in decision making structures. Every sphere of decision-making is dominated by men and the belief that real gender equality exists in this state is a myth. According to the Central Statistics Office, the employment rate for women last year was 60% compared with over 77% for men and women’s average income was only two-thirds of that of men’s. Taking into account adjustments for hours worked, women still only received 86% of men’s earnings. Ireland ranks 41st out of the world for gender pay equality. It hardly reflects a society that empowers women in general.

While it could be said that there has been painstakingly slow progress made in terms of Irish political representation for women it seems to have stalled at the 12 or 13%; the number of female seats in the Dáil was reduced in the last election. Female representation in Irish politics is less than that in the Nordic countries, Continental Europe, the Americas and Sub-Saharan Africa. And although most of the barriers that prevented women from going down anything other than the house-wife route have now gone (contraceptives being illegal, the civil service ban on married women etc) female participation in politics and subsequent representation in government is shockingly low in international terms. The male domination of the legal, cultural and political institutions in Ireland is an indictment of Irish society. Female representation is clearly not a priority for the Irish Government and it is believed by many that now is the time to have real debate on the question of affirmative action for women in Irish politics. If it was high on the priority list, the gender quota discussion would have begun years ago.

In the run-up to the 2007 General Election women’s groups in Ireland and the National Women’s Council of Ireland called for the government to bring forward legislation that would ensure that there was “at least 40% of either sex in both houses of the Oireachtas”. Bertie Ahern in turn pledged to increase the numbers of women in the Dáil and work towards more female representation in Irish politics- he then appointed two women to cabinet positions after forming the new government. It is quite clear that women are not adequately represented in politics until there is at least a 35-40% female level of parliamentary representation.

A prime example of this is the lack of government action regarding cervical cancer. 180 women are diagnosed with this every year in this state. It is caused by the Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) which 80% of Irish women come into contact with at some point in their lives. 73 women will die from this in 2008. There is a HPV vaccine that is freely available for girls from the age of 12 in many countries alongside cervical cancer screening programmes rolled-out nationwide. In Ireland we have no nationwide screening programme and if you want the vaccine you have to pay €600. There is no sign of this changing anytime soon. If HPV was something that could affect the male 87% of Dáil Eireann this may be a different story.

It is not so much that female members of parliament are absolutely guaranteed to legislate progressively on women’s issues (you only have to look at the Minister for Health to prove this), but a democratic parliament that is truly reflective of the society it is to represent should have a guaranteed proportional gender balance. Affirmative action is the way to achieve this, because let’s be realistic, there is no other option. This situation is not suddenly going to resolve itself and affirmative action is not to give preferential treatment to women, but to remove the negativity and discrimination that they face. It is plausible then, that with higher female representation in government, issues such as HPV vaccinations and equal pay standards may be addressed more efficiently. Affirmative action in politics, in conjunction with initiatives to resolve the primary causes of discrimination in society could work wonders, after all, inequality is not something that is inherent in society, it is caused by inherent inequalities in the current power structure which can be changed.

Affirmative action that would guarantee larger numbers of women in politics is something that most of the left-leaning parties agree on – at least, in theory. While Sinn Fein have explicitly stated their support for the NWCI call for affirmative action guaranteeing 40% of either gender in the Dáil, they say they would go further and ensure a 50/50 representation level. The Green Party have also stated “…the accepted critical mass of one or other gender of at least 30% is adhered to in all political and policy decision making bodies”. Labour have said that a critical mass of 30-40% needed for women to make an impact in politics, but have not gone so far as to put forward specific gender quota proposals. So, in reality there is a general agreement across the left and/or left leaning members of political parties on the need for gender quotas in other to make the political system more representative. This in itself is to be welcomed.

However, there are those who argue against the quotas. We are told that “women want to be elected on merit” –well of course they do and to think anything else would be plain ridiculous, but the fact is that women, regardless of their merit are very often overlooked because of their gender. Affirmative action gender quotas will not suddenly ensure that any “woman at all will do” but will take the discrimination against women out of the equation. Gender quotas will still allow for people to be chosen on merit. There are others who will argue that gender quotas are undemocratic. This would then imply that the current system in place is democratic and truly representative of society. So, is it democratic when 47% of Dáil members are lower-to-middle professionals when only 15% of Irish society is? Arguably not and yet this does not present those who argue against gender quotas with any great difficulty. Is it democratic when people residing in a certain county are left without Dáil representation? Perhaps not, but it is things such as this that are an integral part of what needs to be publicly discussed, debated and perhaps changed in order to make “Irish democracy” – more democratic.

It is incredibly sad of course that we now have to seriously contemplate putting a clause on the statute books to ensure that 51% of the population of the state is adequately represented in the parliament of the state. Some may even say that it is shameful. Whatever it is though – it is badly needed. Cross-party dialogue and co-operation could seriously advance the equality agenda for women’s rights. Now is the time to start it.

De Luas provided courtesy of Red Mum.

Discussion

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  1. Comment by: simon

    Feb 25th 2008 at 18:02

    Interesting. How far do you think equality should go. Should for instance in the education of our children possibly the most important thing we do should we have a 49% quota for male teachers?

    Also what form should this quota take. Considering that we elect on basis of local TD’s should 1/2 of the ballot paper be female? Say 50% of candidates are female what if 50% or not elected should the results be overturned to insure that it happens. Should we abandon local TD’s and go for party list systems? It would require a radical over haul perhaps even change of our voting system to get a quote system installed

    People can only elect what is on the paper. The question then has to be why are so few women on the ballot papers? It can’t be the parties fault solely there is a lack of female independent candidates as well. AS you point out the large proportion of lower to middle professionals are in the Dail. If you look at it it is teachers, farmers and publicans that make up alot of the TD’s. One of the things they have in common and not with women and “lower class” workers is free time.

  2. Comment by: Wednesday

    Feb 26th 2008 at 07:02

    Hmm. Well, there’s not much I disagree with you on, but I wouldn’t be in favour of gender quotas. Forms of affirmative action stopping short of quotas, yes. But a system that could end up with the likes of Mary Hanafin or Mary Harney being elected over someone who is genuinely working on behalf of women’s equality but isn’t a woman himself - I don’t think that would work to our advantage in the long run.

  3. Comment by: Stephanie

    Feb 27th 2008 at 10:02

    Simon and Wednesday,
    I’d like to see equality go as far as it possibly can. I mean, of course it would be nice if we could have a 50/50 gender split in teachers of our children but I’m not sure if you can legislate for a quota solely applicable to teachers. I understand your point with regard to people only being able to elect what’s on the ballot paper and the dangers of more Mary Hanafins being elected, but in the first instance I would like to see something akin to the Norwegian system where quotas are self-imposed and voluntary. Unfortunately though, I don’t believe that parties in this state would have the will or inclination to self-impose anything of the sort on themselves. The tokenistic gestures realistically paid to women’s equality by right-wing parties proves that in itself. I’d prefer not to have to legislate for something but unfortunately, I don’t really see a better route to take.

  4. Comment by: simon

    Feb 27th 2008 at 18:02

    The tokenistic gestures realistically paid to women’s equality by right-wing parties proves that in itself.

    Tokenism of right wing parties. The PD’s have had the highest ratio between genders 50/50 before and after the collapse. Sinn Fein have none. Greens have 1/6th Labour have about 1/3 so I am not sure what it proves at all really.

    Whats wrong with Mary Hanafin being elected? I don’t particularly like her myself but if your aim is for more women in the power why do you seem to think they have to be just people you agree with.

    You say you can’t legislate for a quota for teachers but you can have one for TDs? Why?

  5. Comment by: Stephanie

    Feb 27th 2008 at 18:02

    When I was talking about tokenistic women’s equality I didn’t wasn’t referring to Dail representation – I was referring to their attitude to women’s equality in Ireland – the fact that women earn 86 cent for every euro a man earns etc etc and the complete unwillingness to do anything about it.
    I could list a number of things wrong with Mary Hanafin getting elected. But then again I didn’t actually say that it has to be people that only agree with me getting elected. Although, that would be really really nice.
    As for legislating for teachers gender quotas - well teachers are employees. The Employment Equality Act (2004) already says you can’t discriminate on the basis of gender in employment in a job (unless specifically needed i.e. a male actor needed for a male role in theatre). But this could always be changed. I don’t know if it’s necessarily imperative to change it at this stage though. I believe it’s different from elected reps as the parliament is (supposedly) meant to represent the society that it legislates for. Which it currently clearly does not.

  6. Comment by: simon

    Feb 27th 2008 at 22:02

    I believe it’s different from elected reps as the parliament is (supposedly) meant to represent the society that it legislates for. Which it currently clearly does not.

    But where does it stop? Should 10% be Gay, 10% dyslexic, 10% immigrants, x% (don’t know the number) single parents, 2-3% not able to read and write. Where does it stop? Why is one groups equality representation take precedence over anothers group. Why are women in more need of equality legislation then people in wheelchairs. Why are their not more people with disabilities in the Dail. The exact same arguments you make for women could be made for people with disabilities. But it never is. Why?

    Equality is not something that can be quotated, if it is then it is not equality. Equality comes from people being treated equally and legislation should be focused on doing just that, not make people more equal then others.

  7. Comment by: Kate

    Feb 27th 2008 at 23:02

    Applying a gender quota to teacher employment in schools would be impossible. Already the gender imbalance in Irish primary schools is dangerous. Not enough young men want to consider primary education as worthwhile careers, so the majority of teachers are women. Surely young children need father and mother role models?

    One good development in primary schools is the way the GAA has recognised the potential of girls for playing football and hurling. Girls really love these games and enjoy togging out on those schooldays when specially employed trainers come around for after-lunch coaching sessions.

  8. Comment by: simon

    Feb 28th 2008 at 13:02

    Not enough young men want to consider primary education as worthwhile careers

    From what I know it is not that men do not consider them worthwhile careers but are scared of being accused of abuse. But that is another story. The point on gender quota in teching would be to make it 50/50 male female. i.e doing the opposite that is proposed here for TDs

  9. Comment by: WorldbyStorm

    Feb 28th 2008 at 19:02

    simon, I’m not sure there is any contradiction there if one’s argument is based in equality.

    Still, I sort of agree with you that we have to be prepared for unintended consequence in terms of having voices appear which are far from what we might expect or want… one of the interesting things about the ‘New’ social conservatives that appear to be proliferating is how many women are involved…

  10. Comment by: Ciarán

    Feb 29th 2008 at 17:02

    It’s a pity the six counties has been completely ignored here because there are also questions to be asked about the representation of women in the Stormont Assembly (17% or 18 out of 108). In May a Sinn Féin motion to discuss the underrepresentation of women in the Assembly was shot down by the DUP. There hasn’t really been much heard about the situation since.

  11. Comment by: WorldbyStorm

    Mar 1st 2008 at 15:03

    Ciarán, that’s very true. In this period it’s essential to remember we’re now moving slowly but surely to an all-island footing on many different levels.

  12. Comment by: Niall

    Mar 4th 2008 at 16:03

    This proposal is absurd. Affirmative action is only necessary to correct what has been proven to be discriminatory recruitment practices, such as in the case of the RUC. Even you do not go so far as to suggest the Dail is discriminatory, only that people don’t vote along what you would consider ideal lines.

    The purpose of public bodies is first and foremost to work effectively by utilising the best people. Coercive measures should only be entertained when it has been proven that this is not happening due to discrimination. It is not de facto necessary that public bodies mirror the demographic structure of a society down to a tee, only that the most able candidates are selected and commit to working for all.

    The only accusation of discrimination you make in this piece is levelled at the Irish electorate, not the Dail, and you present your ideological assumption as if it was well-understood fact.

    “but the fact is that women, regardless of their merit are very often overlooked because of their gender. Affirmative action gender quotas will not suddenly ensure that any “woman at all will do” but will take the discrimination against women out of the equation.”

    Riddle me this: if 51% of the electorate are women, how can the results be discriminatory? It is an out-and-out paradox that the way to ensure that society is fairly represented is to ignore its wishes. It’s this type of communistic claptrap that gives socialism a bad name.

    I would like to see more women put themselves forward for election but this is not the way to do it. It would be the ultimate mockery of democracy.

  13. Comment by: Dan Sullivan

    Mar 4th 2008 at 18:03

    “the fact that women earn 86 cent for every euro a man earn”, hmm a fact that ignores the respectively different employments that men and women have.

    It may be news to the writer but we’ve actually had a debate about gender quotas stretching back a quarter of a century to the FG/Lab coalition of the 80s. The fact that it hasn’t been resolved in a manner the writer would like doesn’t mean it hasn’t happened.

    The political system is discouraging or alternately encouraging to a certain type of person. Many men too take a long hard look electoral politics and decide to pass on it. I would love to see more engineers in the Oireachtas because I believe it would result in a more solutions lead environment but I wouldn’t dream of mandating it. We have too many teachers in politics as a proportion of the population, are we going to ban them? Instead of looking to skew the electoral system, it would be far more sensible to find out why people of both genders from all backgrounds do not get involved and see if the nature of the execution of the work could be re-focused so that while still representative that some of the elements that some have identified as discouraging people from involvement are addressed.

  14. Comment by: Ciarán

    Mar 4th 2008 at 18:03

    But surely if women are on average earning 86% of the pay their male co-workers earn for the same work, there is discrimination going on. Of course, immigrant and agency workers are paid very poorly in comparison to their Irish counterparts, but who would argue from there that the answer is more immigrants, or people of immigrant extraction, in Leinster House.

    But getting back to the point at hand, why women are under-represented in the political sphere and how to deal with this issue are still major bones of contention. Stephie has suggested positive discrimination as a possible solution, but I suppose you could ask as well if that would really get to the core of the problem, though maybe more visible women in politics would encourage more women to get involved in politics generally. It also might be little more than a tokenistic gesture in the end.

  15. Comment by: Conor McCabe

    Mar 4th 2008 at 22:03

    The discrimination is taking place at branch level, across the parties. Did anyone happen to hear the RTE documentary on Mary Fitpatrick´s campaign for FF in Dublin Central. Basically, she was played like a violin by Bertie and his cohorts. Politics is such an overwhelmingly macho culture, that you´d need the balls of Hilary Clinton to survive.

    I´d tend to agree with Niall and Ciaran on this one. I’m not sure if quotas would be anything but cosmetic. The bigger problem is that politics is not a meritocracy. How we turn it into one is something that has alluded every system builder since Solon.

    What I mean is, how do we get women active in politics? Stephanie is completely correct about male blindness to women´s issues. My feeling is that unless quotas challenge the political culture they may end up giving the illusion of change.

  16. Comment by: Dan Sullivan

    Mar 5th 2008 at 01:03

    Ciarán, the stats quoted are not for doing the same work, they are average earnings based on gender. Women are under represented in some of the more senior positions in some of the higher earning positions which is a basic fact related to the under representation of women in entry level positions in those professions 30 years ago. We’re not going to see an equal % of women as execs and senior managers when the numbers were so skewed when those people entered their professions.

  17. Comment by: Stephanie

    Mar 7th 2008 at 15:03

    Simon,
    Well, clearly equality can be quotated. Equality…equal measures….50/50….sameness or equalness in number…oops look I just quotated. Just because you’ve legislated for affirmative action measures doesn’t make it anti-equality, it just makes it so everyone has a FAIR crack of the whip. The argument that you should then have 10% gay, 10% dyslexic etc etc doesn’t cut it for me I’m afraid – you can be a gay woman or man, dyslexic regardless of gender, and single parent whether you’re male or female (although going by current statistics that one is more likely to mean that you’re female).

    I don’t agree that men do not consider teaching as a worthiwhile career because they are “scared of being accused of abuse”. I think it’s more to do with the fact that patriarchal societies teach that men should be carpenters, plumbers, bankers, and surgeons – women should be secretaries, domestic, teachers, nurses. Historically that has been the way it’s always been (especially in the primary sector). Saying that they don’t consider it worthwhile for fear of abuse accusations provides a handy get-out clause to guidance councilors and others who don’t think that a man should “waste his working-life” being a teacher.

    Ciarán
    Of course you raised a very important point with regard to the north which I should have dealt with in my original piece but time didn’t allow I’m afraid. As for the DUP It was disappointing that they voted down that motion in the Assembly considering that one of their own MLAs (Michelle McIlveen) was quite vocal on the under-representation of women in school-principal positions while 60% of 6 county teachers were female.

    Niall,
    It is not at all absurd to suggest the use of affirmative action in a case like this. Your point that it is only necessary to introduce such measures when there have been proven “discriminatory recruitment practices” is redundant because you cannot “recruit” into the Dáil. The fact is that the Dáil as a whole cannot be discriminatory in its own right – the Government can, and the political parties and their internal structures which decide on election candidates can. That is where the discrimination lies. What I have said is not an “ideological assumption levelled at the electorate” by any stretch. The electorate may only vote for what’s on the ballot paper. It is very easy to ascertain voting patterns in constituencies, so selection conventions will know what seats are “winnable” are which hell would freeze over before they would get a candidate elected there. It is easy to pick your winnable-seat-candidate while saying “oh yes, but we are very progressive on gender-equality, didn’t we stand X amount of women in X amount of constituencies”. That is a well understood fact.
    So, Batman there is the answer to your riddle. 51% of the electorate are women but your assertion that this is “communistic claptrap” only backs up your own argument if you genuinely believe that women only vote for women.

    Dan,
    The discussion around gender equality has been going on for longer that the 80s. I don’t really get where you’re coming from saying that just because it hasn’t happened in the way that I’d like to see it doesn’t mean that it hasn’t happened. The discussion has been going on for years – now 13% of Dáil reps are female……which leads me to believe that eh, it hasn’t happened.

    I agree with Conor when he said that the discrimination is at branch level but I wouldn’t be happy with cosmetic changes on their own, I want real change to affect equality. Sitting on our laurels would not be an option after getting gender quotas. Gender quotas alone certainly would not be the be all and all of it for me but one thing was very interesting/telling with his comment; “Politics is such an overwhelmingly macho culture, that you´d need the balls of Hilary Clinton to survive” …….i.e. you have to be like a man….cos you can’t, y’know be a ‘real’ woman (whatever that is) in politics and survive….you have to be a woman –but with balls. Oh dear. But that’s a whole other debate I guess ;)

    Apologies for the really long reply here…..and happy international women’s day to all for tomorrow of course!

  18. Comment by: simon

    Mar 9th 2008 at 10:03

    The argument that you should then have 10% gay, 10% dyslexic etc etc doesn’t cut it for me I’m afraid – you can be a gay woman or man, dyslexic regardless of gender, and single parent whether you’re male or female (although going by current statistics that one is more likely to mean that you’re female).

    Sorry that really does not explain why this doesn’t cut it. If women make up 50% of the population and not 50% of the Dail is wrong why is 10% of the population being dyslexic and not 10% of the dail not wrong. Is being dyslexic make you worthy of less equality then being female same goes for being gay. You certainly can’t say that dyslexic and homosexual rights are being well representative.

    Also have a chat to a few male friends about why they are not teaching I doubt you will get any that will say anything about patroical society.

  19. Comment by: Niall

    Mar 10th 2008 at 11:03

    “the Government can, and the political parties and their internal structures which decide on election candidates can”

    The logical step from your point of view then would be to mandate that political parties have a certain amount of female candidates. This runs counter to the very notion of democracy, where anybody can start a party for any reason and put it before the electorate. A party campaigning on the issue of father’s rights would be up against it to meet the criteria, as would a party like the Women’s Coalition in Northern Ireland. Indeed affirmative action like this would work against a dedicated Feminist party organising and contesting elections.

    It’s up to the parties to decide who they want to put forward. It might be admirable if they select more women but legislating for this would be a travesty of the electoral process. If you don’t like it vote for somebody else.

  20. Comment by: Stephanie

    Mar 14th 2008 at 16:03

    Simon,
    I never at any point said that you were less entitled to equality if you are gay or dyslexic, and I certainly don’t think that dyslexic, disability, or homosexual rights agendas are adequately catered for in our political system. Personally, I advocate a 50/50 split which is in itself gender neutral as it sets a maximum amount of gender participation rather than stating a minimum. Taking action such as this, as I said before is not to discriminate as you imply (that advocating gender quotas would somehow not represent any other under-represented minority), we live in a male-dominated system that under-values women’s experience and qualifications. Nobody is less worthy of equality but the fact remains that a gay person is still a man or a woman (due to the narrow societal constructs of gender anyway) and so is a dyslexic person. The fact remains that 50% of society is female, perhaps 10% are gay, but they are still female. And they are under-represented, I’m not saying that gay people are not worthy of representation AT ALL. They are entitled to the same equality as the rest of us. They continue to suffer discrimination on a daily basis because of the hetro-norm society that disbars them from marrying because of their sexuality and subsequently treats them as 2nd class relationships.
    But if you advocated 50% women and 10% gay and 10% ethinic minority, would the knock-on of that be that as a gay person you would be entitled to more ‘equality’ than someone who was not gay and so on? And which bracket does the gay dyslexic male stand in? Would he have to decide if he was either dyslexic or gay for the purposes of elections? It would be ridiculous. Plus then you would have to decide an equality percentage threshold where the percentage of representation would be proportional to their representation in the population and you would of course inevitably run out of percentages for specific groups and it wouldn’t work.
    With regard to talking to male friends about why they did not want to become teachers – I did. Granted some of them said that they didn’t want to be a teacher because they wanted to be a plumber/fitter/graphic designer etc., some actually said they would have liked to have been teachers but didn’t feel that they had the “academic capabilities” (their words not mine) to be one but most of all, they mostly said that it never occurred to them….my thinking on this that it was never presented to them as a viable career option due to the patriarchal design of our society and what is acceptable and what is unacceptable for boys and girls to want to do when they grow up. People do not have to be aware of the power of patriarchy to be affected by it.

    Niall,
    The logical step from my argument would to mandate political parties with x amount of female candidates? –it might be a ‘logical’ step but this doesn’t work; 30% of females candidates standing in an election does not result in 30% of female representation as an outcome. That is why I advocate the legislation option. It would only counter to ‘the very notion of democracy’ if we all believed that democracy was a situation where a room full of people got to sit in a room (13% women of course) and make policies and legislation that affect all of us. This of course would suit your point very well seeing as you appear to believe that a group campaigning on father’s rights should be or is solely composed of fathers (and by implication - men). I’m not in favour in single gender parties anyway (such as the Women’s Coalition) as I do not think they are conducive to inclusion. A parliament which is filled with 87% of either gender is not democratic.
    Anyway, if a legislative quota system was introduced it wouldn’t disbar single-gender parties from standing because they would have an equal shot on the ballot in the first place. Legislating for this would not be a travesty but (as even the European Commission have said) “an important tool for giving women access to leading political positions.”
    If I don’t like it, vote for someone else? Well, I listed a number of parties who are in favour of gender quotas of one form or another. By ‘it’ I think you mean the current state of affairs? Yes, you’re right, I don’t like ‘it.’ So I do vote for someone else and not the current shower. But thanks for the advice, I’ll eh, bear it in mind.

  21. Comment by: Niall

    Mar 14th 2008 at 17:03

    Stephanie, you’ve had a week to reply and this garbled nonsense is the best you can come up with?

    “30% of females candidates standing in an election does not result in 30% of female representation as an outcome. That is why I advocate the legislation option.”

    So if for example only 20% of candidates are female they should still have 30-50% representation in the Dail, regardless of how people vote? The only way this can be done is to discount the votes of large sections of the electorate. Every vote not being equal is not synonymous with democracy, whatever spin you want to put on it. Creating equality of opportunity by having more female candidates is admirable (though it cannot be legislated for), but gerrymandering the whole election process is an insult. You have blatant disrespect for the judgement of the electorate, 51% of which as you point out yourself are female.

    “you appear to believe that a group campaigning on father’s rights should be or is solely composed of fathers (and by implication - men).”

    You must wear yourself out jumping to all these conclusions. I don’t believe they should be; I’m just stating what every dog in the street could ascertain for itself - a group campaigning on father’s rights is obviously going to attract way more fathers than it is women. This is a simple observation of reality and human nature, and whether I think it is a good thing or bad thing is of no consequence. I state it because I live in the real world; you live in the world of textbook platitudes.

    I love the “and by implication - men” part.

    “I’m not in favour in single gender parties anyway (such as the Women’s Coalition) as I do not think they are conducive to inclusion.”

    It doesn’t matter what you think. The substantive issue is whether they have a right to form and put themselves before the electorate. Thankfully that right is enshrined in law.

    “Anyway, if a legislative quota system was introduced it wouldn’t disbar single-gender parties from standing because they would have an equal shot on the ballot in the first place.”

    No, they wouldn’t. If after the election results the allocation of Dail seats was based on other criteria, such as ensuring there was 50/50 gender representation, nobody on the ballot paper would have an equal shot.

    I would love to hear how you propose this affirmative action would work in practice.

    As for the parties you mention who are in favour of gender quotas, they can only account for quotas in their own party to maximise the opportunity to increase the number of female TDs, and if they are successful at election then allocate ministries based on that. They can’t legislate for an automatic 50:50 male/female carve-up for every Dail.

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  • Ireland has one of the most attractive tax rates for fracking companies in the world

    Very important point made by Natural Gas Europe here (posted on Shell to Sea) about the licencing agreement around Shale Gas (Fracking) and needs to be understood in the context of the news today that Tamboran Resources initial exploration in  north Leitrim has found that they could ultimately reach 2.2 trillion cubic feet of gas, worth $55 billion at today’s prices. Meanwhile Pat Rabbitte has asked the EPA do an environmental study, but this is very, very unlikely to veer from the assessment of the European Commission consultancy study on licensing hydraulic fracturing which found that there is no need for specific new legislation governing the mining activity.

    Besides the environmental impact, the financial cost of both that gas line and the potential shale gas excavation has caused consternation. Currently, Ireland has one of the most attractive tax rates for companies in the world. Companies in Ireland are, in most cases, required to pay only 25 per cent corporation tax, a much lower rate than most other countries with possible shale gas reserves; Ireland also does not require companies to pay any royalties to the government on saleable gas. Tamboran, Lough Allen Natural Gas and Enegi may be required to pay between five and fifteen per cent over this rate, but, even at a higher rate, the gain for the government will be lower than for most other countries in comparable situations. Pundits and protestors alike say that the government is effectively giving away a valuable resource, owned by the Irish people, to outside companies, for very little in return.

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  • Conflict of interest is so deeply embedded in Ireland, no one seems to notice

    The cops were very swift to close down the demonstration in the NAMA building that  Unlock NAMA occupied on Saturday the 28th. They haven’t been as swift though to investigate Anglo Irish Bank. A big blow to that investigation is due, apparently, to the fact that the cop leading it went to work for Bank of Ireland. It is not unusual for people from the fraud squad to move into the private banking sector, we are told, just as we were told that it isn’t unusual for people to move from the regulators office or the Central Bank (when they were separate bodies) to the boards of private banks. Unlock NAMA revealed that the building they occupied was in a very bad state of repair. Add to that the difficulty in establishing that it was a NAMA building at all, considering that it was added to the foreclosure list incorrectly. This should open up discussion on what is happening to all the other NAMA buildings, at the very least. At the most there should be uproar about the massive stock of properties that NAMA controls the loans of which is being allowed to rot and devalue. These properties are being held on to simply to try and artificially hold the price on property and provide the means for future speculation.

    Senior garda fraud specialist retires to work for Bank of Ireland

    The senior garda detective who was in charge of the Anglo-Irish investigation for 18 months took early retirement at the end of last year and is now working with Bank of Ireland, it has emerged.

    Former detective superintendent Pat Collins, 52, was regarded as the Garda’s top expert in corporate fraud investigation. He spent much of his career in the Fraud Squad and before taking charge of the Anglo investigation he spent time on secondment with the Office of the Director of Corporate Enforcement working with its director, Paul Appleby.

    Former colleagues say his departure — on full pension after having served 30 years in the force — will be a major blow to the investigation.

    Coveney adviser’s patriotism stressed to secure special pay

    Elsewhere, Minister for Agriculture Simon Coveney is in the news for asking for a €130,000 salary for his special advisor Fergal Leamy, a former chief executive of Greencore USA. The cap as we are well aware after all the breeches of it is €92,672. Leamy didn’t last long, despite Coveney pleading that he was desperate to do the state some service he left after four months. He got an offer from an equity firm in the London that he couldn’t refuse. However, the story also reveals that Simon  Coveney’s brother, Patrick Coveney is chief executive of Greencore. Of course Greencore has a long and controversial history, which Shane Ross referred to as a template for the worst excesses of corporate Ireland, a close rival to DCC.

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  • Can We Still Write Big Question Sorts of Books? | David Graeber

    David Graeber and the model of his ‘popular’ yet scholarly book Debt: The First 5000 Years

    So: what was to be the model for a big questions sort of book, and how to write a book that would still be scholarly, but not academic?

    This is what I came up with:

    Of all the models I considered, the most amenable turned out to be the approach adopted by Marcel Mauss. This might seem odd. especially because Mauss never actually wrote a book; he’s mainly famous for a series of essays. Yet many of these essays-not just the Gift, but his essay on the person, techniques of the body (where he coins the term “habitus”), sacrifice and magic-really have had a profound effect both on all subsequent scholarship, and, to differing degrees, political and social debates ever since. Mauss had an uncanny ability to ask the right questions-often, questions he was the first to pose, and which have become mainstays of theoretical debate ever since. His was also an appealing model because Mauss was both a serious, committed activist (he was especially active in the French cooperative movement), and a scholar of remarkable erudition. His problem-and this, I suspect, is why he never did write a proper book, despite numerous attempts-was that he was also almost unimaginably disorganized, and therefore, terrible at exposition. I suspect if alive today he would have been quickly diagnosed with severe ADD.

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  • Irish ‘SOPA law’ another under the radar attack on digital rights by a craven government pandering far too easily to corporate interests

    Very strong and accurate piece from Karlin Lillington in the Irish Times today, making no bones about the motivations behind the changes in copyright law that Sean Sherlock and the Irish government are trying to sneak in. It’s odd at a time when the SOPA law in the US, which is similarly motivated to the Irish law, has just been dropped.

    FOR THREE governments in a row, “short-sighted” and “sneaky” seem to have become the relevant terms in operation when bringing in controversial, high-impact legislation on digital issues.

    In the past, from the government’s perspective, this approach has worked well in shoving in poorly drafted, unscrutinised law on the controversial area of data retention, giving the Republic one of the most severe, internationally criticised, anti-business retention regimes in the world.

    This time around, the Government is trying again to use secondary legislation - a statutory instrument requiring no discussion and no debate in the Oireachtas - to (supposedly) protect intellectual property for a narrow band of hard-lobbying entertainment industries.

    For despite what the ‘hard-lobbying entertainment industries’ might say internet piracy is not killing off its profits. That assumes for a start that the amount produced is static, which given the amount of ‘content’ flooding towards us each day is absurd.

    But more importantly, there is evidence (from numerous mainstream studies and reports) that industry claims about piracy decimating revenue, jobs and creativity are vastly overstated. A careful analysis of such claims by Julian Sanchez on Ars Technica ( iti.ms/wT8l02), picked up and further discussed by Forbesiti.ms/xQJXhg), indicates piracy has actually had only a minor impact on these industries.

    The record industry in the US, for example, has about double the new releases it had a decade ago, when piracy was barely on its radar. The film industry also has more releases now than in pre-piracy days and its most pirated movies are also those that made staggering box office profits. Sanchez cites evidence that the music industry is making back profits lost to piracy through “complementary purchases” such as concert tickets. And a recent report issued by a US anti-piracy lobby group rather farcically indicates its clients are doing quite well, thank you.

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  • Davos dilemma | Michael Roberts

    The majority of those at Davos think that Capitalism isn’t working, but don’t feel there is a need to change anything because its working rather well for them. It’s up to those not in the 1% then to change it.

    The strategists of capital are attending their annual jamboree in the snow playground of the super-rich in Davos, Switzerland for the World Economic Forum. Many of the top 0.1% of income earners are there. And this year the main theme is whether capitalism works and is fair.

    Capitalism is in crisis - and this time the word ‘crisis’ is not hyperbole. Even the 2600 attendees at Davos recognise that. According to a survey by the financial broadcaster, Bloomberg, almost 70% of those asked believed that the capitalist system is in trouble, with 32% saying it needs “radical reworking”. Less than 20% reckoned ‘free enterprise’ is working. Most Davos 0.1 percenters are really worried that this failure of capitalism to work could lead to ’social instability’ in one form or another.

    And more than half who were asked at Davos thought that inequality of income and wealth under capitalism was damaging economic growth. But only one in five wanted any urgent action on the issue! It seems that greed triumphs over economic logic - or should we say, class interest rules

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  • The Promissory Notes | Tom McDonnell

    Economist Tom McDonnell of TASC provides a brief primer on IBRC promissory notes, which is available on Slideshare. Click here to view it in it’s own web page.

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  • Michael Taft talks to Doug Henwood of Left Business Observer about the Irish Economy| 7th of January

    Michael Taft talks to Doug Henwood of Behind the News in a detailed 30 minute discussion about the Irish economy which was posted on the 7th of Jan. The second half of the show is given over to a discussion with Jodi Dean about Occupy Wall Street and ‘demands’. It’s also worth reading Jodi Dean’s article on Occupy Wall Street and the Left which was published today on Critical Legal Thinking.

    MP3 Link.

    [display_podcast]

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  • What are bankers doing inside EU summits? | Corporate Europe Observatory

    Important information here on the extent of bank lobbies influence in the resolution of the Greek debt crisis, particularly when it comes to plans which require ‘private sector involvement’.

    At the Euro Summits in July and October 20111, crucial decisions “to save the Euro” and “to save Greece” were made. It was agreed to restructure Greek debts and banks were asked to accept a ‘haircut’ to their profits to avoid a Greek default and the risk that some banks might default as a result. In Summer 2011, the press was full of stories about the informal negotiations between EU leaders and the banks about the level of private sector involvement in restructuring Greece’s debts.

    The Institute of International Finance (IIF), a lobby group established in 1983 by the biggest banks and financial institutions in the world to deal with the question of sovereign debt2, became the EU’s interlocutor on the Greek debt issue. Its proposals -described as ”offers”- received red carpet treatment.

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  • Is Ireland really the role model for austerity? | Stephen Kinsella | Cambridge Journal of Economics

    Abstract
    This paper describes the causes and consequences of Ireland’s economic crisis in the context of the policy solution implemented to contain that crisis: protracted fiscal austerity. I describe the causes of the recent crisis in Ireland and look at the logic of austerity with a simple model. I compare the current crisis to the crisis of the 1980s, when fiscal austerity was touted as the trigger for the Celtic Tiger. I discuss the measures implemented to date in the current crisis, tracing their effects on sectors of Ireland’s macroeconomy. I show that Ireland is not the role model for austerity policies.

    =======
    The full content of the January 2012 issue of the Cambridge Journal of Economics is available free online here. It is a special issue on the theme “Austerity: Making the same mistakes again - Or is this time different?”

    Contents
    Making the same mistakes again - Or is this time different?
    Lawrence King, Michael Kitson, Sue Konzelmann, and Frank Wilkinson

    Financial crisis and global imbalances: its labour market origins and the aftermath
    Pasquale Tridico

    Dangerous interconnectedness: economists’ conflicts of interest, ideology and financial crisis
    Jessica Carrick-Hagenbarth and Gerald A. Epstein

    Commentary: Contradictions of austerity
    Alex Callinicos

    The great austerity war: what caused the US deficit crisis and who should pay to fix it?
    James Crotty

    The end of the UK’s liberal collectivist social model? The implications of the coalition government’s policy during the austerity crisis
    Damian Grimshaw and Jill Rubery

    Iceland’s rise, fall, stabilisation and beyond
    Robert H. Wade and Silla Sigurgeirsdottir

    Commentary: Dire consequences: the conservative recapture of America’s political narrative?
    David Coates

    A note on America’s 1920–21 depression as an argument for austerity
    Daniel Kuehn

    US government deficits and debt amid the great recession: what the evidence shows
    Robert Pollin

    Fiscal deficits, economic growth and government debt in the USA
    Lance Taylor, Christian R. Proaño, Laura de Carvalho, and Nelson Barbosa

    The tragedy of UK fiscal policy in the aftermath of the financial crisis
    Malcolm Sawyer

    Is Ireland really the role model for austerity?
    Stephen Kinsella

    The macroeconomic stabilisation effects of Social Security and 401(k) plans
    Teresa Ghilarducci, Joelle Saad-Lessler, and Eloy Fisher

    The basic paradigms of EU economic policy-making need to be changed
    Kazimierz Laski and Leon Podkaminer

    Building faith in a common currency: can the eurozone get beyond the Common Market logic?
    Pascal Petit

    The four fallacies of contemporary austerity policies: the lost Keynesian legacy
    Robert Boyer

    Russia: austerity and deficit reduction in historical and comparative perspective
    Vladimir Popov

    Commentary: Austerity and fraud under different structures of technology and resource abundance
    Jing Chen and James Galbraith

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  • The Newsfakers | Patrick Cockburn

    I enjoyed this nuanced article by Patrick Cockburn about journalism, accuracy, modern media, blogging, black propaganda and the use of social media by authoritarian regimes and advanced capitalist ‘democratic’ ones too. It also reminded me of this excellent review of Net Delusion by Oliver Farry that we published a while back.

    “So technical advances have made it more difficult for governments to hide repression. But these developments have also made the work of the propagandist easier. Of course, people who run newspapers and radio and television stations are not fools. They know the dubious nature of much of the information they are conveying. The political elite in Washington and Europe was divided for and against the US invasion of Iraq, making it easier for individual journalists to dissent. But today there is an overwhelming consensus in the foreign media that the rebels are right and existing governments wrong. For institutions such as the BBC, highly unbalanced coverage becomes acceptable.

    Sadly, al-Jazeera, which has done so much to shatter state control of information in the Middle East since it was set up in 1996, has become the uncritical propaganda arm of the Libyan and Syrian rebels.”

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