Conflict of interest is so deeply embedded in Ireland, no one seems to notice
The cops were very swift to close down the demonstration in the NAMA building that Unlock NAMA occupied on Saturday the 28th. They haven’t been as swift though to investigate Anglo Irish Bank. A big blow to that investigation is due, apparently, to the fact that the cop leading it went to work for Bank of Ireland. It is not unusual for people from the fraud squad to move into the private banking sector, we are told, just as we were told that it isn’t unusual for people to move from the regulators office or the Central Bank (when they were separate bodies) to the boards of private banks. Unlock NAMA revealed that the building they occupied was in a very bad state of repair. Add to that the difficulty in establishing that it was a NAMA building at all, considering that it was added to the foreclosure list incorrectly. This should open up discussion on what is happening to all the other NAMA buildings, at the very least. At the most there should be uproar about the massive stock of properties that NAMA controls the loans of which is being allowed to rot and devalue. These properties are being held on to simply to try and artificially hold the price on property and provide the means for future speculation.
The senior garda detective who was in charge of the Anglo-Irish investigation for 18 months took early retirement at the end of last year and is now working with Bank of Ireland, it has emerged.
Former detective superintendent Pat Collins, 52, was regarded as the Garda’s top expert in corporate fraud investigation. He spent much of his career in the Fraud Squad and before taking charge of the Anglo investigation he spent time on secondment with the Office of the Director of Corporate Enforcement working with its director, Paul Appleby.
Former colleagues say his departure — on full pension after having served 30 years in the force — will be a major blow to the investigation.
Elsewhere, Minister for Agriculture Simon Coveney is in the news for asking for a €130,000 salary for his special advisor Fergal Leamy, a former chief executive of Greencore USA. The cap as we are well aware after all the breeches of it is €92,672. Leamy didn’t last long, despite Coveney pleading that he was desperate to do the state some service he left after four months. He got an offer from an equity firm in the London that he couldn’t refuse. However, the story also reveals that Simon Coveney’s brother, Patrick Coveney is chief executive of Greencore. Of course Greencore has a long and controversial history, which Shane Ross referred to as a template for the worst excesses of corporate Ireland, a close rival to DCC.
Very strong and accurate piece from Karlin Lillington in the Irish Times today, making no bones about the motivations behind the changes in copyright law that Sean Sherlock and the Irish government are trying to sneak in. It’s odd at a time when the SOPA law in the US, which is similarly motivated to the Irish law, has just been dropped.
FOR THREE governments in a row, “short-sighted” and “sneaky” seem to have become the relevant terms in operation when bringing in controversial, high-impact legislation on digital issues.
In the past, from the government’s perspective, this approach has worked well in shoving in poorly drafted, unscrutinised law on the controversial area of data retention, giving the Republic one of the most severe, internationally criticised, anti-business retention regimes in the world.
This time around, the Government is trying again to use secondary legislation - a statutory instrument requiring no discussion and no debate in the Oireachtas - to (supposedly) protect intellectual property for a narrow band of hard-lobbying entertainment industries.
For despite what the ‘hard-lobbying entertainment industries’ might say internet piracy is not killing off its profits. That assumes for a start that the amount produced is static, which given the amount of ‘content’ flooding towards us each day is absurd.
But more importantly, there is evidence (from numerous mainstream studies and reports) that industry claims about piracy decimating revenue, jobs and creativity are vastly overstated. A careful analysis of such claims by Julian Sanchez on Ars Technica ( iti.ms/wT8l02), picked up and further discussed by Forbes ( iti.ms/xQJXhg), indicates piracy has actually had only a minor impact on these industries.
The record industry in the US, for example, has about double the new releases it had a decade ago, when piracy was barely on its radar. The film industry also has more releases now than in pre-piracy days and its most pirated movies are also those that made staggering box office profits. Sanchez cites evidence that the music industry is making back profits lost to piracy through “complementary purchases” such as concert tickets. And a recent report issued by a US anti-piracy lobby group rather farcically indicates its clients are doing quite well, thank you.
Abstract
This paper describes the causes and consequences of Ireland’s economic crisis in the context of the policy solution implemented to contain that crisis: protracted fiscal austerity. I describe the causes of the recent crisis in Ireland and look at the logic of austerity with a simple model. I compare the current crisis to the crisis of the 1980s, when fiscal austerity was touted as the trigger for the Celtic Tiger. I discuss the measures implemented to date in the current crisis, tracing their effects on sectors of Ireland’s macroeconomy. I show that Ireland is not the role model for austerity policies.
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The full content of the January 2012 issue of the Cambridge Journal of Economics is available free online here. It is a special issue on the theme “Austerity: Making the same mistakes again - Or is this time different?”
Contents
Making the same mistakes again - Or is this time different?
Lawrence King, Michael Kitson, Sue Konzelmann, and Frank Wilkinson
Financial crisis and global imbalances: its labour market origins and the aftermath
Pasquale Tridico
Dangerous interconnectedness: economists’ conflicts of interest, ideology and financial crisis
Jessica Carrick-Hagenbarth and Gerald A. Epstein
Commentary: Contradictions of austerity
Alex Callinicos
The great austerity war: what caused the US deficit crisis and who should pay to fix it?
James Crotty
The end of the UK’s liberal collectivist social model? The implications of the coalition government’s policy during the austerity crisis
Damian Grimshaw and Jill Rubery
Iceland’s rise, fall, stabilisation and beyond
Robert H. Wade and Silla Sigurgeirsdottir
Commentary: Dire consequences: the conservative recapture of America’s political narrative?
David Coates
A note on America’s 1920–21 depression as an argument for austerity
Daniel Kuehn
US government deficits and debt amid the great recession: what the evidence shows
Robert Pollin
Fiscal deficits, economic growth and government debt in the USA
Lance Taylor, Christian R. Proaño, Laura de Carvalho, and Nelson Barbosa
The tragedy of UK fiscal policy in the aftermath of the financial crisis
Malcolm Sawyer
Is Ireland really the role model for austerity?
Stephen Kinsella
The macroeconomic stabilisation effects of Social Security and 401(k) plans
Teresa Ghilarducci, Joelle Saad-Lessler, and Eloy Fisher
The basic paradigms of EU economic policy-making need to be changed
Kazimierz Laski and Leon Podkaminer
Building faith in a common currency: can the eurozone get beyond the Common Market logic?
Pascal Petit
The four fallacies of contemporary austerity policies: the lost Keynesian legacy
Robert Boyer
Russia: austerity and deficit reduction in historical and comparative perspective
Vladimir Popov
Commentary: Austerity and fraud under different structures of technology and resource abundance
Jing Chen and James Galbraith
Nov 25th 2009