Rss Feed Tweeter button Facebook button Linkedin button

Skip to content

Thursday, Feb 9th 2012


Book Review: The Devil & Mr Casement. One Man’s Struggle for Human Rights in South America’s Heart of Darkness, by Jordan Goodman.

Roger Casement’s life does not fit neatly into one book.  As the child of a mixed marriage his early years are an account of rural Ulster life in the late 19th century.  His encounters with the vicious exploitation of rubber workers in the Belgian Congo and South America are tales of moral courage and physical bravery.  The period as an Irish revolutionary, captured, condemned and complete with a speech from the dock, stands alone as a dramatic story.  Casement’s execution became the focus of a long debate on ‘black ops’ by British intelligence, and on sexual morality in Edwardian England and Nationalist Ireland.  Biographers foresee his disputed downfall in his earlier exploits.  Goodman’s book is especially welcome, therefore, as it focuses on a single episode in Casement’s career - the campaign to relieve the brutal abuse of the tribes in the Putumayo region between Peru and Columbia.

Beginning with the misfortunes of two American adventurers crossing the Amazon jungle, the book gradually reveals the ruthless web of exploitation at the heart of the rubber industry.  Finally arriving in England, one of the Americans contacted the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines’ Protection Society with reports of the cruelty meted out to the Huitoto tribe along the Putumayo River.  Soon this remote humanitarian campaign, unsuccessfully pursued by minor Peruvian newspapers, came to the attention of the British public, the Foreign Office and ultimately a parliamentary enquiry.

Goodman presents a world of high finance and industrial progress - a world in which modern convenience and comfort increasingly depended on the white latex bled from rubber trees deep in the South American jungle.  The Peruvian Amazon Company’s efforts to raise finance in London promised huge rewards for its owner Julio César Arana, and his Peruvian and British investors.  Their timing was bad, commercially speaking, as the public was becoming aware of the company’s methods.  It was the London connection, and the allegation that British-Barbadian subjects in the Putumayo region were also being mistreated, that impelled the Foreign Office to investigate.  The parallels with the atrocities committed by the Belgian rubber traders in the Congo were obvious, so too was the choice of envoy to conduct the investigation.  Roger Casement had been knighted in 1905 for his part in exposing the situation in the Belgian Congo.  A career diplomat (despite some misgivings) and a committed humanitarian, Casement threw himself into the work.

The book neatly balances intrepid jungle adventure with courtroom drama.  In impenetrable and hostile jungle conditions outsiders were dependant on the transport and guidance of the Peruvian Amazon Company.  Troublesome visitors might never return from a trek into the undergrowth - the disappearance of an French explorer in 1905 was blamed on the allegedly uncivilized and cannibalistic Indians.  Arana’s rubber company attempted to distract and delay Casement and his fellow investigators on their travels through the Putumayo region.  The visitors were transported on company steamers through a carefully prepared itinerary of exemplary rubber depots.  Incisive questioning and disruptive side-trips, however, soon produced evidence of the company’s actual operations.  Casement worked hard to convince his colleagues, some of whom stuck to their appointed tasks of researching local trade or flora, that a terrible crime was being perpetrated under their noses.  His experience in gathering evidence, interviewing witnesses and building a case would prove invaluable when challenging the company’s convincing denials back in London.

Goodman locates the seeds of Casement’s anti-colonial and republican convictions in the Putumayo.  Britain had no authority in the region and the best efforts of concerned activists could only bring moral pressure to bear in Peru.  Without US cooperation Britain could do little more than embarrass the government in Lima.  The Peruvians unhelpfully pointed out that they were simply ‘doing in the Amazon what European powers had done for centuries worldwide: subduing local populations, often by force, and deriving great commercial benefit therefrom’ (p. 179).  The Peruvian Amazon Company had opened the Putumayo to commerce and the world.  As Arana’s spokesman logically asserted, ‘One does not conquer by caressing’.  After his experiences in Africa and South America it would be this unavoidable truth which remained with Casement.

As is clear from the title, Goodman does not intend this to be a balanced analysis of the rubber industry.  His demonising of Aran had a precedent however.  A cartoon portraying Arana as the Devil accompanied a 1908 Peruvian newspaper headline which ran ‘The Crimes of the Putumayo: Flagellations, Mutilations, Tortures and Target Practice’.  Later, drawing attention to Casement’s arrest on Good Friday, Goodman appears to position him as a martyred Christ-figure, in opposition to Arana’s ‘Devil’.  Alternatively, Casement could be some medieval saint.  His zeal on behalf of the oppressed, his ability to be ‘unreasonable’ in the face of platitudes, even his self-mortifying habit of wearing Irish tweed and coarse shirts in the sweltering tropical heat seem to belong in The Lives of the Saints.  His absolute certainty of belief - in all his conflicts - also marked him out from the ordinary.

Personalising the story as a battle between ‘the Devil’ and Casement is more than a narrative device, their stories had clear parallels.  The two men were the same age, and given the Irishman’s dark features, were not entirely dissimilar in appearance - but their self-confidence and ambition had propelled them in opposite directions.  Coincidentally, while returning home from promoting his company in London, Arana travelled on the liner carrying Casement on his first trip to the Amazon.  The Peruvian tycoon apparently took Casement’s accusations as a personal affront.  When the reports and allegations began to fly, Arana tried persistently to meet with him, presumably to deploy his undoubted charm and diplomacy.  His efforts were politely, but persistently, rebuffed.  Arana did not forget his grievance, and struggled to undermine his opponent’s reliability.  In the wake of the 1916 Rising, as Casement awaited trial for treason, he received a telegram from Arana.  The perpetrator of countless cruelties on the defenceless Huitoto urged Casement to confess his guilt ‘only known by Divine Justice regarding your dealings in the Putumayo business’.  After Casement’s execution Arana enquired whether he had replied to the telegram, but Casement had rebuffed him one final time.

With its themes of international finance, the global commodities market and exploitation of powerless people on one hand, and lobbying by humanitarian activists, pressmen and NGOs on the other, the book feels surprisingly contemporary.  Certainly its main protagonists are men of the modern era.  Arana, the Devil, was a debonair Peruvian rubber magnate and international businessman. His manipulation of the economy and politics in Peru, and persuasive manner in deflecting Casement’s accusations, would fit him for a directorship in a multinational firm today.  Casement’s conflicted national identity, his struggles with his diplomatic ambitions, and his selfless commitment to human rights make him a sympathetic figure for modern readers.  The plot of this drama, however, was all too real.  Goodman’s choice of photographs illustrates the brutal treatment of the Huitoto Indians.  Armed European and Barbadian overseers tower over the diminutive local population, while whip marks on a child and the cowed faces of the population can only hint at the routine rape, maiming and murder of resistant or unproductive Indians.  But this book goes deeper than atrocity porn.

Goodman’s painstaking research reconstructs the travels and paper trails linking businessmen, politicians, diplomats and humanitarians.  While these can be confusingly detailed on occasion, they give weight to his analysis and reveal the complexity of the issues involved.  The rise of the USA as a global power at the start of the twentieth century is evident in Britain’s anxious respect for the US Monroe Doctrine, in which Washington claimed the sole right of interference in South America.  Also apparent is a growing awareness (or admission) of colonial abuses around the world.  A House of Commons report into the Putumayo case in 1912 noted that forced labour and abuse of the indigenous population were not confined to South America.  At the height of the imperial age the book presents activists, and some administrators, who were critical of the colonial project.

Goodman’s research yields some fascinating facts.  In the 1890s the town of Iquitos, centre of the Peruvian rubber trade located a thousand miles into the Amazon, boasted British, American and German consuls, and was served by a number of British banks.  Only 280 automobiles were produced worldwide in 1895, by 1908 this had risen to 125,000 all running on rubber tyres.  We learn that Casement brought two orphaned Huitoto youths to Britain.  Goodman frankly states that they were used as exhibits, a common practice at the time.  As an intriguing side-note, Casement proposed sending these exotic visitors to St. Enda’s, Pearse’s school outside Dublin.  The plan never materialised but it is fascinating to speculate on how their lives might have turned out.

The book describes Casement’s evolving nationalist sympathies.  Casement’s description of impoverished typhus sufferers in Connemara as ‘the white Indians of Ireland’ illustrates his inner journey.  As further proof, Goodman cites Casement’s assertion that no race could be trusted with power over another, and that only Irishmen and Irishwomen could resolve the typhus outbreak in Co. Galway.  Goodman does not pursue these claims.  At this time, in fact, overwhelmingly nationalist local councils had responsibility for fighting contagious disease.  Records from Dublin city and county show how effective councils could be in fighting such alarming outbreaks.  Any failure to tackle typhus in Connemara therefore, could be largely attributed to Irishmen and Irishwomen.  It is significant too that these ‘white Indians’ lived in the remote and Gaelic west, inspiration for so much nationalist mythologizing.  The more familiar, and inconveniently modern, urban poor were regarded less romantically.

Such criticisms should not detract from the importance of this book in highlighting the personal courage of a significant and complex personality in modern Irish history.  For a rising diplomat, concerns with the oppressed in Africa and South America were neither popular nor profitable.  Casement’s dogged pursuit of the facts, and his determination to hunt down the perpetrators, are a testimony to the power of the individual to make a difference.  The book’s subtitle is ‘One man’s struggle for the Human Rights in South America’s Heart of Darkness’, but it also reveals the many individuals and organisations that drove the Putumayo campaign.  It is heartening to realise that even at the zenith of the imperial age activists could use ethical and moral pressure to force governments to act.  Less encouraging is the fact that the debate on policing multinational companies, begun a century ago, continues to perplex legislators today.

Ciarán Wallace has recently completed his PhD at Trinity College Dublin. His thesis is on “Local politics & government in Dublin city and suburbs 1899-1914″, and his research interests include urban history and civil society.’

The Devil & Mr Casement. One Man’s Struggle for Human Rights in South America’s Heart of Darkness, by Jordan Goodman. Verso (London, 2009) pp 297.

Discussion

We welcome and encourage lively discussion from the public about articles on Irish Left Review. You can leave a comment using the form at the bottom of the page. Please read through the existing comments before posting your own.

  1. Comment by: michael burke

    Dec 8th 2009 at 10:12

    Thank you Ciaran, an interesting review of a book already ordered.

    There seems not just an enduring but a renewed interest in Casement. Perhaps the depradations of the new imperialism, conquest, the destruction of both whole peoples and their environment, and the difficulties in campaigning against them explains it. The Scramble for Oil, and US hegemony has replaced the Scramble for Africa.

    Casement was reluctant to go Putumayo because he had already become a committed Irish nationalist, but to refuse meant that he would have to resign the British Consular Service and become penniless. Chrateristically, once he accepted his role he threw hmself into whole-heartedly, with great ingenuity and tenacity, and no regard for his personal saftety.

    He wrote to Alice Stopford-Green that, in searching the jungles of the Congo for (evidence against) King Leopold (the Belgian King, and equivalent of Arana, only on a larger scale) he had found himself, “an incorrigible Irishman” and could see the plight of Africans “through the eyes of another race, who had themselves been hunted down” and resolved then to do everything he could to free Ireland from its imperial rulers.

  2. Comment by: Jeff Dudgeon

    Dec 10th 2009 at 15:12

    I could not dispute the facts in Ciaran Wallace’s thoughtful review except this sentence, “As the child of a mixed marriage his early years are an account of rural Ulster life in the late 19th century.”

    The sparse evidence indicates that both Casement’s parents were Protestants although his mother converted to Catholicism when her child Roger was young, having him rebaptised in Wales.

    Until he was about 13, he spent little or no time in Ulster only entering Ballymena Diocesan School when his father came back to the town, shortly to die. His mother Annie had earlier died in Worthing. The boy’s childhood was spent in or around London while he left school for Liverpool when he was 16.

    Casement quite particularly described the treatment of the Peruvian Indians on the Amazon as far worse than what was meted out to the Africans in King Leopold’s Congo.

  3. Comment by: ssrxsrwki

    Feb 9th 2012 at 13:02

    tSIP8F tnsywqcjpkqe

Leave a Comment

(required)

(required, will not be published)

Sins of the Father

Sins of the Father:

Tracing the Decisions

That Shaped the Irish Economy,

by Conor McCabe

from The History Press

Now Available as an e-Book.

Subscribe by Email

Enter your email address:

Delivered by FeedBurner



Irish Left Review on Facebook

Best of the Web

  • The Greek debt workout will establish a benchmark for sovereign debt haircuts across the Eurozone

    I tried to reduce the size of this quote, but I kept on leaving important stuff out. The whole article is a must read, particular the point made earlier that the negotiations being finalised now between the ECB and private bond holders will ‘establish benchmark terms for other struggling Euro sovereigns as well. Thus, it is possible that the valuation of sovereign debt across all Euro nations will be established in relatively short order’. Anyway, this article by a couple of ‘humble investors’ provides plenty of clarity.

    We have not reached the end of history. Mankind evolves, as does capitalism and its many brands. But not that much. An objective look at our modern economic ecosystem shows clearly one unified global banking system that is actually made stronger by predictable, publicly aired tensions among competing political and economic theorists and practitioners. As long as lawmakers and we, the people that must obey them, continue quarrelling among ourselves, those that control money are free to do as they like. When the people revolt against the symbols of political power (storm the Bastille, storm the winter palace), then the people succeed in forcing those that control money to alter the political structure. Only when lawmakers take steps to limit bank system access to the nation’s resources by indenturing the factors of production (dumping tea overboard, storming the Eccles Building), can the nation’s capital shift back to the people.

    Today we have an oligopoly of central banks issuing the world’s baseless currencies and, by having successfully promoted substantial household and sovereign debt assumption, can now dictate resource allocation and fiscal policy terms. Against this power there is fragmentation - (mostly) democratically elected officials overseeing republics of generally obedient populations. Lenin knew; “by continuing the process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens”. John Maynard Keynes himself agreed: “There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency. The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to diagnose”.

    We argue that indebted governments have ceded that power to banking systems without conscience or public accountability. If the global banking system has ultimate power over how global wealth is perceived, (as it does), and it is the only institution powerful enough to keep indebted governments in control of their societies, (which it is), then the only reasonable strategy for an independent investor is to think like a Rothschild. Don’t fight the Fed - bet on it.

    No comments »
  • Protest at cuts in small rural schools Dublin, 1st February 2012

    Hundreds of teachers, parents and school children came from all over Ireland to protest at Minister Ruairí Quinn’s proposed cuts to small schools in Dublin when the Dáil was debating the bill.

    No comments »
  • Ireland has one of the most attractive tax rates for fracking companies in the world

    Very important point made by Natural Gas Europe here (posted on Shell to Sea) about the licencing agreement around Shale Gas (Fracking) and needs to be understood in the context of the news today that Tamboran Resources initial exploration in  north Leitrim has found that they could ultimately reach 2.2 trillion cubic feet of gas, worth $55 billion at today’s prices. Meanwhile Pat Rabbitte has asked the EPA do an environmental study, but this is very, very unlikely to veer from the assessment of the European Commission consultancy study on licensing hydraulic fracturing which found that there is no need for specific new legislation governing the mining activity.

    Besides the environmental impact, the financial cost of both that gas line and the potential shale gas excavation has caused consternation. Currently, Ireland has one of the most attractive tax rates for companies in the world. Companies in Ireland are, in most cases, required to pay only 25 per cent corporation tax, a much lower rate than most other countries with possible shale gas reserves; Ireland also does not require companies to pay any royalties to the government on saleable gas. Tamboran, Lough Allen Natural Gas and Enegi may be required to pay between five and fifteen per cent over this rate, but, even at a higher rate, the gain for the government will be lower than for most other countries in comparable situations. Pundits and protestors alike say that the government is effectively giving away a valuable resource, owned by the Irish people, to outside companies, for very little in return.

    2 comments »
  • Conflict of interest is so deeply embedded in Ireland, no one seems to notice

    The cops were very swift to close down the demonstration in the NAMA building that  Unlock NAMA occupied on Saturday the 28th. They haven’t been as swift though to investigate Anglo Irish Bank. A big blow to that investigation is due, apparently, to the fact that the cop leading it went to work for Bank of Ireland. It is not unusual for people from the fraud squad to move into the private banking sector, we are told, just as we were told that it isn’t unusual for people to move from the regulators office or the Central Bank (when they were separate bodies) to the boards of private banks. Unlock NAMA revealed that the building they occupied was in a very bad state of repair. Add to that the difficulty in establishing that it was a NAMA building at all, considering that it was added to the foreclosure list incorrectly. This should open up discussion on what is happening to all the other NAMA buildings, at the very least. At the most there should be uproar about the massive stock of properties that NAMA controls the loans of which is being allowed to rot and devalue. These properties are being held on to simply to try and artificially hold the price on property and provide the means for future speculation.

    Senior garda fraud specialist retires to work for Bank of Ireland

    The senior garda detective who was in charge of the Anglo-Irish investigation for 18 months took early retirement at the end of last year and is now working with Bank of Ireland, it has emerged.

    Former detective superintendent Pat Collins, 52, was regarded as the Garda’s top expert in corporate fraud investigation. He spent much of his career in the Fraud Squad and before taking charge of the Anglo investigation he spent time on secondment with the Office of the Director of Corporate Enforcement working with its director, Paul Appleby.

    Former colleagues say his departure — on full pension after having served 30 years in the force — will be a major blow to the investigation.

    Coveney adviser’s patriotism stressed to secure special pay

    Elsewhere, Minister for Agriculture Simon Coveney is in the news for asking for a €130,000 salary for his special advisor Fergal Leamy, a former chief executive of Greencore USA. The cap as we are well aware after all the breeches of it is €92,672. Leamy didn’t last long, despite Coveney pleading that he was desperate to do the state some service he left after four months. He got an offer from an equity firm in the London that he couldn’t refuse. However, the story also reveals that Simon  Coveney’s brother, Patrick Coveney is chief executive of Greencore. Of course Greencore has a long and controversial history, which Shane Ross referred to as a template for the worst excesses of corporate Ireland, a close rival to DCC.

    No comments »
  • Can We Still Write Big Question Sorts of Books? | David Graeber

    David Graeber and the model of his ‘popular’ yet scholarly book Debt: The First 5000 Years

    So: what was to be the model for a big questions sort of book, and how to write a book that would still be scholarly, but not academic?

    This is what I came up with:

    Of all the models I considered, the most amenable turned out to be the approach adopted by Marcel Mauss. This might seem odd. especially because Mauss never actually wrote a book; he’s mainly famous for a series of essays. Yet many of these essays-not just the Gift, but his essay on the person, techniques of the body (where he coins the term “habitus”), sacrifice and magic-really have had a profound effect both on all subsequent scholarship, and, to differing degrees, political and social debates ever since. Mauss had an uncanny ability to ask the right questions-often, questions he was the first to pose, and which have become mainstays of theoretical debate ever since. His was also an appealing model because Mauss was both a serious, committed activist (he was especially active in the French cooperative movement), and a scholar of remarkable erudition. His problem-and this, I suspect, is why he never did write a proper book, despite numerous attempts-was that he was also almost unimaginably disorganized, and therefore, terrible at exposition. I suspect if alive today he would have been quickly diagnosed with severe ADD.

    1 comment »
  • Irish ‘SOPA law’ another under the radar attack on digital rights by a craven government pandering far too easily to corporate interests

    Very strong and accurate piece from Karlin Lillington in the Irish Times today, making no bones about the motivations behind the changes in copyright law that Sean Sherlock and the Irish government are trying to sneak in. It’s odd at a time when the SOPA law in the US, which is similarly motivated to the Irish law, has just been dropped.

    FOR THREE governments in a row, “short-sighted” and “sneaky” seem to have become the relevant terms in operation when bringing in controversial, high-impact legislation on digital issues.

    In the past, from the government’s perspective, this approach has worked well in shoving in poorly drafted, unscrutinised law on the controversial area of data retention, giving the Republic one of the most severe, internationally criticised, anti-business retention regimes in the world.

    This time around, the Government is trying again to use secondary legislation - a statutory instrument requiring no discussion and no debate in the Oireachtas - to (supposedly) protect intellectual property for a narrow band of hard-lobbying entertainment industries.

    For despite what the ‘hard-lobbying entertainment industries’ might say internet piracy is not killing off its profits. That assumes for a start that the amount produced is static, which given the amount of ‘content’ flooding towards us each day is absurd.

    But more importantly, there is evidence (from numerous mainstream studies and reports) that industry claims about piracy decimating revenue, jobs and creativity are vastly overstated. A careful analysis of such claims by Julian Sanchez on Ars Technica ( iti.ms/wT8l02), picked up and further discussed by Forbesiti.ms/xQJXhg), indicates piracy has actually had only a minor impact on these industries.

    The record industry in the US, for example, has about double the new releases it had a decade ago, when piracy was barely on its radar. The film industry also has more releases now than in pre-piracy days and its most pirated movies are also those that made staggering box office profits. Sanchez cites evidence that the music industry is making back profits lost to piracy through “complementary purchases” such as concert tickets. And a recent report issued by a US anti-piracy lobby group rather farcically indicates its clients are doing quite well, thank you.

    3 comments »
  • Davos dilemma | Michael Roberts

    The majority of those at Davos think that Capitalism isn’t working, but don’t feel there is a need to change anything because its working rather well for them. It’s up to those not in the 1% then to change it.

    The strategists of capital are attending their annual jamboree in the snow playground of the super-rich in Davos, Switzerland for the World Economic Forum. Many of the top 0.1% of income earners are there. And this year the main theme is whether capitalism works and is fair.

    Capitalism is in crisis - and this time the word ‘crisis’ is not hyperbole. Even the 2600 attendees at Davos recognise that. According to a survey by the financial broadcaster, Bloomberg, almost 70% of those asked believed that the capitalist system is in trouble, with 32% saying it needs “radical reworking”. Less than 20% reckoned ‘free enterprise’ is working. Most Davos 0.1 percenters are really worried that this failure of capitalism to work could lead to ’social instability’ in one form or another.

    And more than half who were asked at Davos thought that inequality of income and wealth under capitalism was damaging economic growth. But only one in five wanted any urgent action on the issue! It seems that greed triumphs over economic logic - or should we say, class interest rules

    No comments »
  • The Promissory Notes | Tom McDonnell

    Economist Tom McDonnell of TASC provides a brief primer on IBRC promissory notes, which is available on Slideshare. Click here to view it in it’s own web page.

    No comments »
  • Michael Taft talks to Doug Henwood of Left Business Observer about the Irish Economy| 7th of January

    Michael Taft talks to Doug Henwood of Behind the News in a detailed 30 minute discussion about the Irish economy which was posted on the 7th of Jan. The second half of the show is given over to a discussion with Jodi Dean about Occupy Wall Street and ‘demands’. It’s also worth reading Jodi Dean’s article on Occupy Wall Street and the Left which was published today on Critical Legal Thinking.

    MP3 Link.

    [display_podcast]

    No comments »
  • What are bankers doing inside EU summits? | Corporate Europe Observatory

    Important information here on the extent of bank lobbies influence in the resolution of the Greek debt crisis, particularly when it comes to plans which require ‘private sector involvement’.

    At the Euro Summits in July and October 20111, crucial decisions “to save the Euro” and “to save Greece” were made. It was agreed to restructure Greek debts and banks were asked to accept a ‘haircut’ to their profits to avoid a Greek default and the risk that some banks might default as a result. In Summer 2011, the press was full of stories about the informal negotiations between EU leaders and the banks about the level of private sector involvement in restructuring Greece’s debts.

    The Institute of International Finance (IIF), a lobby group established in 1983 by the biggest banks and financial institutions in the world to deal with the question of sovereign debt2, became the EU’s interlocutor on the Greek debt issue. Its proposals -described as ”offers”- received red carpet treatment.

    No comments »

Link Archives »

Authors