This was originally published today on Critical Legal Thinking.
On August 18th, the youtube channel ‘molucca Red,’ ‘[t]he only fully authorised GG channel,’ posted ‘Good night with George Galloway (Episode 5).’ This episode featured Galloway discussing various issues relating to the Wikileaks founder Jullian Assange. In watching the episode, especially at around 21:15 into the video, the viewer may be forgiven for beginning to feel slightly nauseous (if this did not occur before). Indeed, the nauseous-ness of many media outlets and commentators has been expressed vehemently over the last week or so.
For it is at this point that Galloway states something which he knows will be ‘controversial.’ Nevertheless he justifies the controversy by stating that ‘somebody has to say this’ against the ‘reign of intellectual terror’ which has ‘descended upon this issue,’ ‘at least in Britain’ and (he ‘suspects’) ‘elsewhere in the rest of the Western world.’ [1] What Galloway then moves onto discuss are the sexual accusations made against Assange from the Swedish authorities. His response to the specific accusations made by ‘Woman A’ are what seem to have provoked a strong reaction (to say the least) against Galloway.
For it becomes clear that with regards to ‘Woman A,’ although Galloway condemns Assange’s ‘sordid’ and ‘disgusting’ sexual behaviour, he ultimately states the following: that it is merely ‘really sordid and bad sexual etiquette’ to penetrate a woman whom one is already in bed with, whom one is already naked with and whom one has already penetrated previously, without asking for her consent, despite the fact she is asleep. This action, Galloway exclaims, cannot ‘constitute rape,’ for if it does, then it ‘bankrupt[s] the term rape of all meaning.’ Hence it is instead just a case of ‘really bad manners’: ‘it is not rape.’
It is to be noted that this controversial opinion is clearly at polar opposites to the 2011 (legal) opinion of the High Court on the subject. For in their judgement on the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) filed against Assange and the charge of ‘count 4′ therein against ‘SW’ (the rape of ‘Woman A’ in question), they clearly state the following (at paragraph 109):
In our view on this basis, what was described in the EAW was rape. Coercion evidences knowledge of a lack of consent and lack of a reasonable belief in consent. [2]
With this judgement a person’s nauseous-ness may subside. And there is seemingly good reason for it to do so. For what is made clear is that the High Court endorses the grounds of the EAW put forward by the Swedish authorities, on the basis that it is clear that ‘exploiting’ someone in order to have sex with them is a criminal offence. Further, a person may be exploited as a result of being in a ‘helpless state,’ such as ‘being asleep.’ [3]Hence, should Assange have penetrated ‘Woman A’ (‘SW’ in the case), as per ‘count 4,’ when she was asleep, then this is indeed a crime.
It is at this point that the court then references the Sexual Offences Act 2003 of the criminal law of England and Wales because this piece of legislation deals precisely with the issue at hand. This point needs explaining, as the court makes only a passing reference to the act in order to justify its point.
The court references s. 75 (2) of the 2003 Act which provides for circumstances which might arise in the act of ‘A’ penetrating ‘B.’ The act provides a legal mechanism whereby should any of these circumstances be apparent and ‘A’ is aware of them, then it is presumed that there is no consent on behalf of ‘B’ and that ‘A’ does not reasonably believe that there is consent. These conditions, coupled with the penetrative act, then constitute rape. This is relevant to Assange’s accused actions because s. 75 (2) (d), provides for circumstances where…
the complainant was asleep or otherwise unconscious at the time of the relevant act.[4]
Indeed, this is precisely the situation of ‘count 4′ detailed in the court’s judgement (or, regarding ‘Woman A’ described by Galloway). Hence, as the court asserts, ‘she is to be taken not to have consented to sexual intercourse.’ [5] Such an outcome is well noted in common law, for there are numerous instances where the accused has been prosecuted for engaging in intercourse (or sexual activity) when the complainant in question was asleep. [6] This (following the 2003 Act) results from the ‘evidential presumption’ that there is no consent present in certain circumstances and further, that the accused does not reasonably believe that there is consent.
However, it is at this point that nauseous-ness may return. For what has been detailed thus far is the ‘evidential presumption‘ that there is no consent to sex when the complainant is asleep. Meanwhile, Galloway’s crude and misogynistic fervour of the fact that ‘this is something which can happen, you know,’ seems to be recognised by the law as somewhat of a legitimate fact; in law. For in short, it is legally possible for a woman to consent to sex whilst she is unconscious or asleep. This point, as with the earlier points on s. 72 (2) (d), needs explaining further.
As has been stated it is only an ‘evidential presumption’ that there is no consent given for intercourse when a woman is asleep. This means that the accused, ‘A,’ may offer evidence which rebuts this presumption, and so establishes that despite the fact that the complainant (victim), ‘B,’ was asleep or unconscious, she was also consenting to sex. This point may be seen as dubious and difficult for a jury to find convincing, [7] but it nonetheless is permitted and encompassed within the current criminal law of England and Wales.
This startling fact has not gone unrecognised by criminal scholars and has faced fierce criticism for taking the law ‘backwards rather than forwards.’ [8] However the point has also been made that the law could here be seen to be too overbearing on sexual autonomy if it instead insisted that when a woman was asleep there could not be consent given for sexual intercourse (or indeed any sexual activity). [9] In this instance what is objected against is that the law, instead of enforcing an ‘evidential presumption,’ s. 75 (2), rather enforces a ‘conclusive presumption’ that there was no consent, s. 76 (2). Currently, the only circumstances which mean that there cannot be consent given are those where the victim is deceived, intentionally by the accused, as to the nature or purpose of the act in question (s. 76 (2) (a)); or they are deceived, intentionally by the accused, as to whom is engaging in the act in question (in short, the accused impersonates someone known personally to the defendant) (s. 76 (2) (b)). And so, as the law stands currently, it remains that it is still legally possible for unconscious women to give consent to sex … somehow.
All this nauseous-ness brings us back to the matter of Galloway’s rally against the ‘reign of intellectual terror.’ Because as much as we are sickened, appalled and disgusted by what he is suggesting, it is clear that somewhere, deep within the complexities of the Sexual Offences Act 2003, Galloway’s festering acknowledgement that ‘this is something which can happen, you know,’ finds a shred of validity in law. Whether this reflects the law’s founding arkhē of a phallogocentric framework with regards to the law surrounding rape[10] or a hesitancy to legislate against a fierce liberal tradition of autonomy, it sadly signals that although the High Court’s ruling is certain with regards to ‘count 4′ against Assange, other instances of ‘count 4′ may not receive the same ruling. And this will always be to the detriment of the victim through what is still a phallogocentric (‘the complicity of Western metaphysics with a notion of male firstness’) [11] construction of the law of rape.
So if we are appalled by Galloway’s remark then we are also to be appalled at the state of the law as it stands. For its grasp over a woman’s legal (and sexual) subjectivity is one which leaves a lot of questions unanswered. It once again presupposes certain homogeneous norms about how relationships create certain situations for sexual intercourse to take place in, and in doing it opens up the possibility for exploitation and violence against those situations which reside outside of such norms. As much as Galloway’s chauvinism may be dismissed as one man’s archaic and repugnant diatribe, it is not so easy to dismiss the fact that the law still can permit the very same thing.
The trace which is therefore left following the classification of being asleep or unconscious as an ‘evidential presumption’ means that somewhere, in circumstances of everyday people and their lives, the law has left it possible for the accused to be acquitted of an accusation of rape because it is still legally possible for a sleeping woman to give consent to sex. As the philosopher Jacques Derrida warned against, here law’s empire over women as legal (and sexual) subjects returns like a revenant, brought to light through Galloway’s vile comment:
[t]he effect of the Law is to build the structure of the subject, and as soon as you say, “Well, the woman is a subject, and this subject deserves equal rights,” and so on – then you are caught in the logic of phallogocentrism and you have rebuilt the empire of the Law. [12]
Notes
[1] All quotes are deduced from the video in question and any inaccuracies are the fault of the author.
[2] [2011] EWHC 2849 (Admin – para 109.
[3] As above – para 115.
[4]Sexual Offences Act 2003, s. 75 (2) (d)
[5] [2011] EWHC 2849 (Admin) – para 118.
[6] R. v Johnston [2003] EWCA Crim 312, R. v Ciccarelli [2011] EWCA Crim 2665, Garvey [2004] EWCA Crim 2672, R. v Blacklock [2006] EWCA Crim 1740.
[7] Ormerod David, Smith and Hogan’s Criminal Law (13th Edition) Oxford University Press Oxford 2011 p. 726. See P [2009] EWCA Crim 1110 at para 29 for the judiciary’s doubt in the jury being convinced of consent being present.
[8] Temkin Jennifer and Ashworth Andrew, ‘The Sexual Offences Act 2003: (1) Rape, sexual assaults and the problems of consent’ (2004) May Criminal Law Review 328 at 337. See generally 337 – 338 for details of Temkin’s and Ashworth’s criticisms on the 2003 Act regarding s. 75 (2) (d).
[9] Ormerod above note 7, at p. 729: ‘[f]or example, A, who performs a relevant sexual act … on his sleeping partner as a gesture of intimacy to wake her, ought not to be conclusively presumed guilty.’
[10] Hale Matthew The History of the Pleas of the Crown In the Savoy Printed by Nutt E and R and Gosling R London 1736. See p. 629 especially: ‘[b]ut the husband cannot be guilty of a rape committed by himself upon his lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial consent and contract the wife hath given herself up in this kind unto her husband which she cannot retract.’ This quote ensured that for 250 years, until 1991 and the case ofR. v R [1992] 1 A.C. 599; (1992) 94 Cr. App. R. 216, that a husband could not rape his wife.
[11] Derrida Jacques, McDonald Christie V. ‘Choreographies’ trans. Christie V. McDonald in (ed) Weber Elisabeth Points… Interviews, 1974 -1994 Stanford University Press Stanford California 1995 p 89 at 96.
[12] Derrida Jacques, Adner James, Doyle Kate and Hendler Glenn ‘Women in the Beehive: A Seminar with Jacques Derrida’ trans. James Adner (2005) 16.3 differences 139 at 149.
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- Galloway on Rape and Law’s Own Repugnant Diatribe - August 24, 2012





August 24, 2012 5:28 pm
But the bankers and the bourgeoisie are obsessed about the national debt too!
August 24, 2012 7:12 pm
There are so many anomalies in this case that it defies description.
I personally get stuck on the idea that ‘he’ is less shagged out than ‘she’ to the point where ‘she’ conks out while ‘he’s’ ready to go again.
I know that many men would love to think that sex shatters them less than it does a woman, but I never seen it in my long, long experience as a sexually active woman.
Then there’s the curious occurrence of two women mutually deciding sexual health concerns were retrospectively a police matter. Even though health not consent was the primary concern of the complainants, the ambiguities of post coital impressions became the basis of an investigation. No charges, only the basis of investigation.
I don’t even know how to get a grip on the bizarro world that unfolded from this flimsiest of pretexts.
There would not be problem in meeting the rights of all concern. If Sweden or Britain acted in accordance with normal protocols resolving this issue would be a ‘no brainer’. For some reason the British government thinks storming the Ecuadorean embassy is preferable.
Really? International sovereignty means nothing if the wrong person has sex in dubious circumstances?
But that’s nothing to the elephant with diarrhea in the living room. Suddenly deep and heartfelt concerns for women are supposed to speed past the countless egregious vicious ways that women get raped to get a hard-on for parsing the legal definition of consent at the margins of hearsay.